Tuesday, August 30, 2011

Planned Fiji Protest March - 02 September 2011 in Wellington

Vinaka vakalevu sara Mike na vakasavu itukutku ena Matavuvale.com me
baleta na maji ena Varaubuka qo.

Invitation to Fiji Protest 2nd September

You are invited to join a protest by unions and Amnesty International on
2nd September. Please come and join us.

When: 12.30 to 1.30 pm on Friday, 2nd September, 2011

Where: High Commission of the Republic of the Fiji Islands
31 Pipitea Street, Thorndon, Wellington

Speaker: Helen Kelly, President, NZCTU

For more details contact Georgie on


Peter Conway
New Zealand Council of Trade Unions - Te Kauae Kaimahi
P O Box 6645
+64 4 8023816
mobile 0274 939 748


Mr Sai Lealea
Interim President - Wellington Fiji Democracy & Freedom Movement
A: 5 Rahui Street Strathmore Wellington 6022 NEW ZEALAND
Mob: +64 27 2490 472 E: sai.lealea@gmail.com

Fiji's Dictator and Followers irrational, unbalanced and voilent

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Fiji's Dictator and Followers irrational, unbalanced and voilent

via discombobulated bubu by discombobulated on 27/08/11

US cables show Bainimarama beat opponents

27 Aug, 2011 12:00 AM

FIJI'S military strongman Commodore Frank Bainimarama is irrational, unbalanced and violent, and directly took part in the human rights abuses that followed his December 2006 coup, according to leaked United States diplomatic reports.

Secret US embassy cables leaked to WikiLeaks, and provided exclusively to Fairfax, allege beatings and intimidation of the military regime's suspected opponents took place with the full knowledge of senior Fijian military commanders and included the direct participation of Commodore Bainimarama, now Fiji's interim prime minister.

One embassy report records witness testimony that Commodore Bainimarama joined in an assault on a senior public servant detained at the Fijian military's headquarters in December 2006, when the commodore ''kicked [the man's] legs out from under him and beat him around the head, telling him, 'Don't f--- with the military'.''

Although Commodore Bainimarama publicly deplored violence by Fijian soldiers following his coup and said he would ensure any excesses ceased, the US embassy reported to Washington he told European Union diplomats that if anyone insulted the Fijian military ''of course we must have them taken to the barracks and have them beaten up''.

The leaked US cables record that both before and after Commodore Bainimarama overthrew prime minister Laisenia Qarase's democratically elected government, American diplomats found the Fijian military chief ''erratic'', ''irrational'' and ''wildly excessive'' in his reactions to criticism.

In one cable sent to Washington shortly before the December 2006 coup, US ambassador Larry Dinger observed that ''a psychiatrist would have a field day with Bainimarama''.

In other reports, the commodore's propensity for ''sabre-rattling'' and threats of violence, including against foreign diplomats, caused the US embassy in Suva to ''wonder more than ever about the rationality of [Bainimarama's] judgment''.

The leaked US diplomatic cables contain numerous reports of human rights abuses following the military takeover, including the arbitrary detention of human rights activists, senior police and civil servants, trade unionists, lawyers and journalists.

Pictured above : Fiji Regime's current mouthpiece by the name of Mosese Tikoitonga threatening innocent Fijians with military paranoia. For non-Fijian speakers, the graffiti on the wall behind him tells us that the man is a great pretender, boasting to be champion of the people, but when he is really challenged it will be obvious to all that his rhetoric is weak & without substance, and he will be backing off as he is on weak moral and ethical ground.

Human rights abuses documented in the cables include beatings, torture and death threats ''with a pistol to the head''.

One senior police officer detained by the military at Suva's Queen Victoria Barracks described how he saw ''several ambulances depart the camp transporting people beaten by military interrogators''.

Other cases reported by the US embassy included deaths in military custody with one victim's body - ''marked by visible bruises'' - dumped by soldiers at a police station. In another case a group of villagers, including a senior police officer, was ''subjected ... to beatings over a three-hour period''.

The US embassy reports also document cases of rape and sexual assault by Fijian military personnel, including at least one instance of a group of detainees forced to engage in group sexual acts. In another case a prominent female human rights activist was ''felt up'' by a senior military officer and was ''warned she would receive worse treatment unless she stopped her activities''.

In discussing the interim prime minister's motivations, US diplomats highlighted underlying insecurity in Commodore Bainimarama's personality.

The US embassy reports quote a former senior Fijian military officer and close colleague of Commodore Bainimarama, together with then chief of the Fiji Police former Australian Federal Police officer Andrew Hughes, as suggesting Commodore Bainimarama suffered from post-traumatic stress arising from the Fijian army mutiny of November 2000.

Although the US embassy in Suva has reported that Commodore Bainimarama has been ''feeling the strain of governing a country that doesn't salute like an army,'' the leaked cables leave little doubt about the Fijian military's determination to only relinquish power on its terms and to never allow its democratic opponents to regain power.

New elections, originally promised by Commodore Bainimarama within two years of the December 2006 coup, are now nominally scheduled for September 2014.

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Monday, August 22, 2011

EU remains silent on lapsed 6-month sanction extension from Sept 2010

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EU remains silent on lapsed 6-month sanction extension from Sept 2010

via Intelligentsiya by Keep The Faith on 17/08/11

The European Union, once a staunch supporter of Fiji's return to civilian democracy that even went out of its to with-hold valuable aid in a carrot and stick approach, now appears to be softening their position after the 6-month sanction triggered in September 2010 has lapsed without so much as a feeble whimper -- a total about-turn to previous statements of compelling demands.

The EU however takes our fish (and possibly ginger most recently in Fiji) through selective trade agreements with resource rich Papua New Guinea and Fiji, and signals a feeble reversal of the EU's policy even as their "South Pacific" presence continues to raise the ire of EU taxpayers.

The EU is also believed to be funding the spanking new NGO of the illegal and treasonous Nazhat Shameem, that props up the regime by way of "training".

Questions must be asked of the EU's hypocritical pussy-footing on values such as the rule of law and democracy that the EU claims to be a major beacon of.

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Another Son of Fiji and the Pacific takes a hit for Fiji's Freedom

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Another Son of Fiji and the Pacific takes a hit for Fiji's Freedom

via Intelligentsiya by Keep The Faith on 18/08/11

Fellow blog C4.5 has broken very disheartening news that Professor Wadan Narsey, an upstanding and unwavering advocate for Fiji's Freedom drawing on the illegal and treasonous military regime's flawed and inept economic policies as evidence, has most probably been unjustly culled from his position at the University of the South Pacific (USP) by the regime via a key coup stooge, the Vice Chancellor Rajesh Chandra.

Prof Rajesh Chandra has more or less paved the way for more his friends within USP Labour mafia circles such as Dr Ganesh Chand to set up a rival university in this country and has had an extremely jumpy academic career running back and forth between institutions of higher education in what can only be explained as an ambitious need to stay on top.

Intelligentsiya knew way back in February 2009, that the regime would use the regionally owned institution, the University of the South Pacific, as a whipping boy for regional retaliation.

This time around however Prof Chandra and Khaiyum have grossly misread the extent of their "powers".

For starters, Prof Narsey's extensive teaching career has tutored and earned him the respect of hordes of Pacific Islanders in positions of power today in their various home countries and even all over the globe.

But more importantly once word on Prof Narsey's injustice becomes validated, the University of the South Pacific's (which is a CROP Agency of the Pacific and owned by 12 independent and sovereign Pacific Island Countries and boasts a governing charter that is royally endorsed), University Council comprising high-level regional member countries might need to assess whether a breach of the USP Council's code of conduct and its statutes has occurred.

Equally compelling is the possibility that "academic freedom" within the region's so-called premier institution that had bred next generations of Pacific leaders, could be escalated upwards for the highest level of Pacific political power who meet in New Zealand next month, to deal with. They are already are very aware of how bad our situation remains, 5 years on.

Speaking of New Zealand, the Fiji team is still trying their luck to get a military officer into Aoetearoa for the rugby world cup. As the Fiji team officials are either deaf, blind or stupid, they might like to get the hint via Gandalf.

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Saturday, August 20, 2011

The Spirit of Revolt, 1880

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via Intelligentsiya by Keep The Faith on 18/08/11

Peter Kropotkin (1842-1921)

There are periods in the life of human society when revolution becomes an imperative necessity, when it proclaims itself as inevitable. New ideas germinate everywhere, seeking to force their way into the light, to find an application in life; everywhere they are opposed by the inertia of those whose interest it is to maintain the old order; they suffocate in the stifling atmosphere of prejudice and traditions. The accepted ideas of the constitution of the State, of the laws of social equilibrium, of the political and economic interrelations of citizens, can hold out no longer against the implacable criticism which is daily undermining them whenever occasion arises,--in drawing room as in cabaret, in the writings of philosophers as in daily conversation. Political, economic, and social institutions are crumbling; the social structure, having become uninhabitable, is hindering, even preventing the development of the seeds which are being propagated within its damaged walls and being brought forth around them.

The need for a new life becomes apparent. The code of established morality, that which governs the greater number of people in their daily life, no longer seems sufficient. What formerly seemed just is now felt to be a crying injustice. The morality of yesterday is today recognized as revolting immorality. The conflict between new ideas and old traditions flames up in every class of society, in every possible environment, in the very bosom of the family. The son struggles against his father, he finds revolting what his father has all his life found natural; the daughter rebels against the principles which her mother has handed down to her as the result of long experience. Daily, the popular conscience rises up against the scandals which breed amidst the privileged and the leisured, against the crimes committed in the name of the law of the stronger, or in order to maintain these privileges. Those who long for the triumph of justice, those who would put new ideas into practice, are soon forced to recognize that the realization of their generous, humanitarian and regenerating ideas cannot take place in a society thus constituted; they perceive the necessity of a revolutionary whirlwind which will sweep away all this rottenness, revive sluggish hearts with its breath, and bring to mankind that spirit of devotion, self-denial, and heroism, without which society sinks through degradation and vileness into complete disintegration.

In periods of frenzied haste toward wealth, of feverish speculation and of crisis, of the sudden downfall of great industries and the ephemeral expansion of other branches of production, of scandalous fortunes amassed in a few years and dissipated as quickly, it becomes evident that the economic institutions which control production and exchange are far from giving to society the prosperity which they are supposed to guarantee; they produce precisely the opposite result. Instead of order they bring forth chaos; instead of prosperity, poverty and insecurity; instead of reconciled interests, war; a perpetual war of the exploiter against the worker, of exploiters and of workers among themselves. Human society is seen to be splitting more and more into two hostile camps, and at the same time to be subdividing into thousands of small groups waging merciless war against each other. Weary of these wars, weary of the miseries which they cause, society rushes to seek a new organization; it clamors loudly for a complete remodeling of the system of property ownership, of production, of exchange and all economic relations which spring from it.

The machinery of government, entrusted with the maintenance of the existing order, continues to function, but at every turn of its deteriorated gears it slips and stops. Its working becomes more and more difficult, and the dissatisfaction caused by its defects grows continuously. Every day gives rise to a new demand. "Reform this," "reform that," is heard from all sides. "War, finance, taxes, courts. police, everything must be remodeled, reorganized, established on a new basis," say the reformers. And vet all know that it is impossible to make things over, to remodel anything at all because everything is interrelated; everything would have to be remade at once; and how can society be remodeled when it is divided into two openly hostile camps? To satisfy the discontented would be only to create new malcontents.

Incapable of undertaking reforms, since this would mean paving the way for revolution, and at the same time too impotent to be frankly reactionary, the governing bodies apply themselves to half measures which can satisfy nobody, and only cause new dissatisfaction. The mediocrities who, in such transition periods, undertake to steer the ship of State, think of but one thing: to enrich then.selves against the coming débâcle. Attacked from all sides they defend themselves awkwardly, they evade, they commit blunder upon blunder, and they soon succeed in cutting the last rope of salvation; they drown the prestige of the government in ridicule, caused by their own incapacity.

Such periods demand revolution. It becomes a social necessity; the situation itself is revolutionary.

When we study in the works of our greatest historians the genesis and development of vast revolutionary convulsions, we generally find under the heading, "The Cause of the Revolution," a gripping picture of the situation on the eve of events. The misery of the people, the general insecurity, the vexatious measures of the government, the odious scandals laying bare the immense vices of society, the new ideas struggling to come to the surface and repulsed by the incapacity of the supporters of the former régime,-- nothing is omitted. Examining this picture, one arrives at the conviction that the revolution was indeed inevitable, and that there was no other way out than by the road of insurrection.

Take, for example, the situation before 1789 as the historians picture it. You can almost hear the peasant complaining of the salt tax, of the tithe, of the feudal payments, and vowing in his heart an implacable hatred towards the feudal baron, the monk, the monopolist, the bailiff. You can almost see the citizen bewailing the loss of his municipal liberties, and showering maledictions upon the king. The people censure the queen; they are revolted by the reports of ministerial action, and they cry out continually that the taxes are intolerable and revenue payments exorbitant, that crops are bad and winters hard, that provisions are too dear and the monopolists too grasping, that the village lawyer devours the peasant's crops and the village constable tries to play the role of a petty king, that even the mail service is badly organized and the employees too lazy. In short, nothing works well, everybody complains. "It can last no longer, it will come to a bad end," they cry everywhere.

But, between this pacific arguing and insurrection or revolt, there is a wide abyss,--that abyss which, for the greatest part of humanity, lies between reasoning and action, thought and will,--the urge to act. How has this abyss been bridged? How is it that men who only yesterday were complaining quietly of their lot as they smoked their pipes, and the next moment were humbly saluting the local guard and gendarme whom they had just been abusing,--how is it that these same men a few days later were capable of seizing their scythes and their iron-shod pikes and attacking in his castle the lord who only yesterday was so formidable? By what miracle were these men, whose wives justly called them cowards, transformed in a day into heroes, marching through bullets and cannon balls to the conquest of their rights? How was it that words, so often spoken and lost in the air like the empty chiming of bells, were changed into actions?

The answer is easy.

Action, the continuous action, ceaselessly renewed, of minorities brings about this transformation. Courage, devotion, the spirit of sacrifice, are as contagious as cowardice, submission, and panic.

What forms will this action take? All forms,--indeed, the most varied forms, dictated by circumstances, temperament, and the means at disposal. Sometimes tragic, sometimes humorous, but always daring; sometimes collective, sometimes purely individual, this policy of action will neglect none of the means at hand, no event of public life, in order to keep the spirit alive, to propagate and find expression for dissatisfaction, to excite hatred against exploiters, to ridicule the government and expose its weakness, and above all and always, by actual example, to awaken courage and fan the spirit of revolt.

When a revolutionary situation arises in a country, before the spirit of revolt is sufficiently awakened in the masses to express itself in violent demonstrations in the streets or by rebellions and uprisings, it is through action that minorities succeed in awakening that feeling of independence and that spirit of audacity without which no revolution can come to a head.

Men of courage, not satisfied with words, but ever searching for the means to transform them into action,--men of integrity for whom the act is one with the idea, for whom prison, exile, and death are preferable to a life contrary to their principles,--intrepid souls who know that it is necessary to dare in order to succeed,-- these are the lonely sentinels who enter the battle long before the masses are sufficiently roused to raise openly the banner of insurrection and to march, arms in hand, to the conquest of their rights.

In the midst of discontent, talk, theoretical discussions, an individual or collective act of revolt supervenes, symbolizing the dominant aspirations. It is possible that at the beginning the masses will remain indifferent. It is possible that while admiring the courage of the individual or the group which takes the initiative, the masses will at first follow those who are prudent and cautious, who will immediately describe this act as "insanity" and say that "those madmen, those fanatics will endanger everything."

They have calculated so well, those prudent and cautious men, that their party, slowly pursuing its work would, in a hundred years, two hundred years, three hundred years perhaps, succeed in conquering the whole world,--and now the unexpected intrudes! The unexpected, of course, is whatever has not been expected by them,--those prudent and cautious ones! Whoever has a slight knowledge of history and a fairly clear head knows perfectly well from the beginning that theoretical propaganda for revolution will necessarily express itself in action long before the theoreticians have decided that the moment to act has come. Nevertheless, the cautious theoreticians are angry at these madmen, they excommunicate them, they anathematize them. But the madmen win sympathy, the mass of the people secretly applaud their courage, and they find imitators. In proportion as the pioneers go to fill the jails and the penal colonies, others continue their work; acts of illegal protest, of revolt, of vengeance, multiply.

Indifference from this point on is impossible. Those who at the beginning never so much as asked what the "madmen" wanted, are compelled to think about them, to discuss their ideas, to take sides for or against. By actions which compel general attention, the new idea seeps into people's minds and wins converts. One such act may, in a few days, make more propaganda than thousands of pamphlets.

Above all, it awakens the spirit of revolt: it breeds daring. The old order, supported by the police, the magistrates, the gendarmes and the soldiers, appeared unshakable, like the old fortress of the Bastille, which also appeared impregnable to the eyes of the unarmed people gathered beneath its high walls equipped with loaded cannon. But soon it became apparent that the established order has not the force one had supposed. One courageous act has sufficed to upset in a few days the entire governmental machinery, to make the colossus tremble; another revolt has stirred a whole province into turmoil, and the army, till now always so imposing, has retreated before a handful of peasants armed with sticks and stones. The people observe that the monster is not so terrible as they thought they begin dimly to perceive that a few energetic efforts will be sufficient to throw it down. Hope is born in their hearts, and let us remember that if exasperation often drives men to revolt, it is always hope, the hope of victory, which makes revolutions.

The government resists; it is savage in its repressions. But, though formerly persecution killed the energy of the oppressed, now, in periods of excitement, it produces the opposite result. It provokes new acts of revolt, individual and collective, it drives the rebels to heroism; and in rapid succession these acts spread, become general, develop. The revolutionary party is strengthened by elements which up to this time were hostile or indifferent to it. The general disintegration penetrates into the government, the ruling classes, the privileged; some of them advocate resistance to the limit; others are in favor of concessions; others, again, go so far as to declare themselves ready to renounce their privileges for the moment, in order to appease the spirit of revolt, hoping to dominate again later on. The unity of the government and the privileged class is broken.

The ruling classes may also try to find safety in savage reaction. But it is now too late; the battle only becomes more bitter, more terrible, and the revolution which is looming will only be more bloody. On the other hand, the smallest concession of the governing classes, since it comes too late, since it has been snatched in struggle, only awakes the revolutionary spirit still more. The common people, who formerly would have been satisfied with the smallest concession, observe now that the enemy is wavering; they foresee victory, they feel their courage growing, and the same men who were formerly crushed by misery and were content to sigh in secret, now lift their heads and march proudly to the conquest of a better future.

Finally the revolution breaks out, the more terrible as the preceding struggles were bitter.

The direction which the revolution will take depends, no doubt, upon the sum total of the various circumstances that determine the coming of the cataclysm. But it can be predicted in advance, according to the vigor of revolutionary action displayed in the preparatory period by the different progressive parties.

One party may have developed more clearly the theories which it defines and the program which it desires to realize; it may have made propaganda actively, by speech and in print. But it may not have sufficiently expressed its aspirations in the open, on the street, by actions which embody the thought it represents; it has done little, or it has done nothing against those who are its principal enemies; it has not attacked the institutions which it wants to demolish; its strength has been in theory, not in action; it has contributed little to awaken the spirit of revolt, or it has neglected to direct that spirit against conditions which it particularly desires to attack at the time of the revolution. As a result, this party is less known; its aspirations have not been daily and continuously affirmed by actions, the glamor of which could reach even the remotest hut; they have not sufficiently penetrated into the consciousness of the people; they have not identified themselves with the crowd and the street; they have never found simple expression in a popular slogan.

The most active writers of such a party are known by their readers as thinkers of great merit, but they have neither the reputation nor the capacities of men of action; and on the day when the mobs pour through the streets they will prefer to follow the advice of those who have less precise theoretical ideas and not such great aspirations, but whom they know better because they have seen them act.

The party which has made most revolutionary propaganda and which has shown most spirit and daring will be listened to on the day when it is necessary to act, to march in front in order to realize the revolution. But that party which has not had the daring to affirm itself by revolutionary acts in the preparatory periods nor had a driving force strong enough to inspire men and groups to the sentiment of abnegation, to the irresistible desire to put their ideas into practice,--(if this desire had existed it would have expressed itself in action long before the mass of the people had joined the revolt)--and which did not know how to make its flag popular and its aspirations tangible and comprehensive,--that party will have only a small chance of realizing even the least part of its program. It will be pushed aside by the parties of action.

These things we learn from the history of the periods which precede great revolutions. The revolutionary bourgeoisie understood this perfectly,--it neglected no means of agitation to awaken the spirit of revolt when it tried to demolish the monarchical order. The French peasant of the eighteenth century understood it instinctively when it was a question of abolishing feudal rights; and the International acted in accordance with the same principles when it tried to awaken the spirit of revolt among the workers of the cities and to direct it against the natural enemy of the wage earner--the monopolizer of the means of production and of raw materials.

Notes on translation and transcription
This article first appeared in Le Révolté in 1880. English translations appeared in Commonweal, 1892 and Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets, 1927. The postscript version was OCR'd by lamontg@u.washington.edu from The Essential Kropotkin, 1975 which was based on the aforementioned 1927 translation.

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Monday, August 8, 2011

Fowl Clown decrees crumbs for Fiji investments

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Fowl Clown decrees crumbs for Fiji investments

via discombobulated bubu by discombobulated on 7/08/11

Fiji's Clown prince and Bainirama's manic second banana, Airykum Saiarse, has been at it again chucking, plucking and shrieking decree, after edict, after proclamation, after commandment.

Enough yapping to make one feel quite nauseous.

First, he hung our FNPF Ma and Pa donor's out to suck air instructing the FNPF bureaucratic-birdbrains to blame the older fund contributors for depleting the fund, and ignoring the fact that the regime has been sucking on the Fund to the tune of 1.7 billion since the coup in 2006 !

This vulgar toady then set about banning the media from letting the public of Fiji know what was really going on with the fund.

The truth is yet to emerge so watch this space, but recently the aforementioned ass ratified the departure of YET another foreign investor from our shores ; this time via a unit of little Hitlers called BAF who have something to do with banning feathers from landing on our forests but are instead cutting employment to 90 persons (who in turn have lost income support to a collective of at least 450 persons in the extended family network).

Excellent work Cock's .....

.... time to show those investors their investments will never be safe in Fiji for the changing of the regime's coop-posts whenever it suits the cockeral's in green, eh?

In the meantime Kaiyum sees no reason why he shouldn't continue feathering his own nest and his family's too, whilst he continues to crow orders from behind Bainirama's skirts.

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Does a collective conscience exist with Fiji Junta supporters?

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Does a collective conscience exist with Fiji Junta supporters?

via discombobulated bubu by discombobulated on 30/07/11


There comes a point when a man must refuse to answer to his leader if he is also to answer to his own conscience.
Hartley Shawcross, barrister, politician, and prosecutor at the Nuremberg War Crimes tribunal (1902-2003)

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Bula, No'oia, Kia Ora, Warm Greetings, Namaste

Children of Fiji & Friends of Fiji

Children of Fiji & Friends of Fiji
Down memory lane

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