Thursday, May 27, 2010

What authority does John Samy as an Indian Diaspora have in Defining what Fijians should do within their Indigenous Fijian Space?

Dr Mere Samisoni, shares her scholarly thoughts:
Read more;
Village rights

Village By-Laws will see the communal ownership of each village, Deputy Permanent Secretary for Indigenous Affairs, Colonel Apakuki Kurusiga, revealed this week. The new by-laws allegedly tie in with the building of a non-racial Fiji wherein now all Fijians can live in a village and be part of its ownership through communal decision-making. This initiative is the stepchild of the John Samy/Military Junta Charter Mission.

“The opinions of 10000 people are of no value if none of them know anything about the subject.” — Marcus Aurelius.

"If you tell a lie big enough and keep repeating it, people will eventually come to believe it. (But) the lie can be maintained only for such time as the State can shield the people from the political, economic and/or military consequences of the lie. It thus becomes vitally important for the State to use all of its powers to repress dissent, for the truth is the mortal enemy of the lie, and thus by extension, the truth is the greatest enemy of the State." — Joseph Goebbels

The above quotes speak to two of the most salient and repeatedly demonstrated faults of the present Bainimarama Regime, namely
1. Lack of Understanding/Intelligence and
2. Stubborn, self-serving and dishonest manipulativeness. Any initiative they broach or sponsor then, must therefore be viewed in that context.

Having not yet sighted the text of the relevant “Village By-Law Decree”, I cannot comment authoritatively on the details of the initiative at this point. What I can do though is make some general comments in light of the aforementioned well-known and oft-demonstrated regime traits.

1. Manipulative Regime
The regime’s rationale for its 2006 coup has already morphed through a fairly well documented transformation based on the demands of propaganda. It started off in 2003/4 as “national security” for the purpose of securing support in the military. Then it morphed in 2006 into “Clean Up” in an effort to gain popular support. Then it changed again in 2007 to “Non Racial Society” to shore up Indo-Fijian support after failing to find significant Government corruption and/or win significant Fijian support. Then it changed once again to “Electoral Reform” in a bid to win international support after the regime failed to emerge from the isolation that automatically followed its 2006 coup.

We can see from this that power and manipulation is more inherently important to the regime than the bald truth. And I believe that with the forthcoming Village By-Law (VBL) Decree, what we are seeing is merely the latest iteration of this incorrigible Regime addiction to reinventing itself via propaganda manipulation. This time though, the main difference is that we will be seeing two-faced propaganda, as opposed to the erstwhile fluid version.

That is because, I believe, the VBL Decree appears to be part of the Regime’s preparation for the 2014 elections. With that in mind, they have simply had to face political reality, with the inevitable result being yet more regime hypocrisy. Having roundly lambasted the SDL in bygone years for what it referred to as “racist” policies and campaigning, the regime appears now to be succumbing to the political reality of having to play to an audience. It is not surprising to find the regime has acknowledged that audience is the same one from which it draw 95% of its own troop complement. We are already seeing this phenomenon with the regime increasingly catering to indigenous-centric issues like the protection of qoliqoli, or the promise of good lease rents, or the taking-up of mining concerns. The FLP – much to its unease and apprehension I expect – is beginning to see yet another metamorphosis of its erstwhile champion. Croz Walsh must be having similar misgivings on occasion. But to those of us who know the military leadership, its ways, and its real goals, none of this is a surprise.

The VBL Decree appears – superficially, at least – to be a thinly disguised, ballot-minded, play to indigenous sensibilities via a special, native-centric, policy.

To be fair to the regime though, this initiative also appears to be the very first example of their much-ballyhooed post-coup catch-cry the Fiji needs to think “outside the box” to progress. Finally - after almost four years of telling others to do this, we see one example of it from the regime itself.

The communal decision-making thrust of the law appears to leave this open to all-comers, with the obvious benefit of allowing “other races” to take part. Kudos to them for that!

But of course, I will naturally point out that it does not require a coup to think of this idea, or to implement it, or to maintain it. In fact, it is the very dangers of coup making and authoritarianism, which demonstrate the potential weaknesses of this kind of system. Allow me to elaborate.

The VBL communal system appears to allow open participation under the assumption that the best ideas can come from anyone, and the best ideas will deliver the best results, and so work in everybody’s best interests. But the very rule of the interim regime today demonstrates why this assumption cannot be relied upon. The regime itself is proof positive that power, and not good ideas or wide participation, is the bottom line in any authority structure. So if those in village authority are not interested in submitting themselves to good ideas, then that is the end of the story if they ever decide to dig their heels in, like the regime is currently doing. The same goes for genuine participation. The regime cannot expect village councils to do what they themselves are unwilling to do. They should therefore realize from their own example how tenuous their plans are. Moreover, the possibility of wildly different laws, implementations and interpretations is simply huge. Not to mention the possibility of self-serving abuse by the constant stream of religious nuts and con-men with big budgets and even bigger promises that Fiji never seems to have much trouble attracting. The typical banes of democracy could also easily upset the VBL applecart too, namely: factionalism, seat warming, votes buying, special interests, proxy national politics and weak democratic institutions etc. It could even end up being Fiji’s jump-off point into the scourge of Melanesian democracy – the infamous “big man” politics (although that could happen easily enough without VBL, as well).

2. Unintelligent Regime
The point is that this exercise in social engineering is too complicated to predict. Especially for the amateurs running Government today!

In 2008, the military began enrolling a significant number of its senior officers in university courses in preparation for what they then knew was the forthcoming “militarization” of the civil service. By the end of that year though, many had dropped out. Some because of fulltime workload considerations, but others simply because they couldn’t make the grade! In so doing, these dropouts raised the specter that the patent unintelligence seen so often at the very top of the military hierarchy, may run deeper down into its ranks than is good for anybody.

Kurusiga himself was one such drop-out, and while in class one evening, let slip as to the quality of research (or rather, lack thereof) that might be behind pending regime initiatives. While classmates questioned the lecturer as to why nobody could find any over-riding justification for the 2006 coup two years after it, Kurusiga spoke up. He warned the class against that line of questioning, and claimed the military had “done their research” showing an “imminent” danger to Fiji from ethno-nationalist politics.

Well the first thing that Kurusiga and his fellow closet researchers need to do if they want to be taken seriously by academics and policy-makers, is to publish their research for peer-review. Then we will at least be able to see what is the basis for such a drastic move which by some calculations has now cost Fiji over $2 billion since 2006. But if university dropouts under the oversight of high-school dropouts based the 2006 coup decision on hidden “research”, then this does not inspire an awful lot of confidence or credibility.
And that’s just the academic arena. But listen to what John F Kennedy said in terms of the public arena - “A nation that is afraid to let its people judge the truth in an open market is a Nation afraid of its people”.

This picture only gets worse when you hear the cases cited by Kurusiga as the basis for the military’s ethno-nationalist “research”, namely: Bosnia and Rwanda.

Although these provide a warning as to the depths to which some ethnic conflicts could deteriorate, a quick browse through Wikipedia is all you need to uproot them as valid or useful candidates for comparative study with Fiji’s situation. Bosnia and the Balkans have a long, long history of bloody inter-ethnic grievance, injustice and violence. They have been playing ethnic payback for hundreds of years at the cost of thousands of lives. Many there have long and bitter memories of their own communal grievances, and sense of injustice, from that. There is simply no sensible comparison between that situation and Fiji’s.

Meanwhile the main message of the Rwanda situation is not a warning against SDL-style politics in the fostering of ethno-nationalist entitlement and resentment. Because in fact, the experience of Rwanda/Burundi actually provides a classic example of why “non racial” artificiality like the regime’s Charter and reform program, won’t actually accomplish anything in assuaging ethno-nationalist sentiment.

If you read about Burundi on the Net, you will come across a gentleman named Pierre Buyoya. Interestingly for Fiji, Buyoya came to power in a bloodless 1987 coup, but on a platform of solving the inter-ethnic Hutu-Tutsi conflict that had taken more than 100,000 lives during the preceding decades. He sounded progressive, but ruled with an iron-fist against any dissent. His eventual “solution” to his country’s ethnic woes was a new Constitution in 1992 that essayed to establish a “non racial” society that de-emphasized, or even glossed over, ethnic tags and distinctions. This promulgation was followed in quick order by elections, the installation of the new PM, his assassination, and then the worst inter-ethnic violence and slaughter in Burundi’s history.

In 2005, as part of a UN-brokered peace deal, Buyoya and Burundi faced facts and abandoned their failed “non ethnic” model for a return to quota-based ethnic policies as a model that could at least be seen (and checked) to be fair.*

A quote by William S. Esposo is as good a way as any to end this section. “Worse than being ill equipped in war materiel, it is most detrimental if the policy makers and officers of a country’s national armed forces are ill equipped, up there, in the head. Not having enough bullets or bombs is not as deadly as not having enough natural brain ability, to know the real enemy and conceive a winning strategy. The Biblical David was less equipped in physical build and arms than Goliath. But David was smarter and we all know what happened in that famous one-on-one. In many major battles that the ancient Romans fought and won, they were grossly outnumbered. Discipline, morale and superior tactics won Roman victories.”

In his rant, Esposo also raised the example of the infamous Charge of the Light Brigade. That disaster was the result of mindless obedience to a mistaken interpretation of poorly worded battle orders from a bumbling British High Command. Fiji is likewise charging headlong into the valley of economic desolation, driven by the mindless obedience of soldiers under illegal orders from a bumbling Fiji High Command.

3. Final Analysis
In the end, it will also take more than just legal tinkering to affect any social engineering program. Leadership and motivation, for example, are just as important, if not more so. These clearly represent the regime’s Achilles heel. Wracked as it has been by hypocrisy, petulance, manipulativeness, treachery, thuggishness, violence, self-interest, sense of entitlement, scorn, arrogance and lack of intelligence/understanding, the regime lacks the moral capital and authority to inspire anyone to change, let alone do better. The main motivations left for it to appeal to, for its VBL initiative then, are fear, bribery and opportunism. Not a recipe for building anything that might last on its own strength or merit, I would have thought.

Even though all culture is a living, evolving phenomenon, it is still not something that should be lightly or cheaply trifled with. Fijians are a collectivist community with the “checks and balances” of over 3500 years of tradition that are unique in the world. I for one certainly don’t feel safe with that storehouse of cultural treasure being put at risk by the make-it-up-as-you-go guesswork of this regime and its lumbering battalion of bullyboys-in-china-shops.

As I said before though, it is still too early to pass final judgment on VBL just yet! And the regime does at least appear to have delivered its very first instance of out-of-box-thinking with this initiative.

However I suspect that in the final analysis, VBL will be just another invisible suit in an ever-burgeoning wardrobe of non-existent clothes foisted onto a long-dead Emperor in front of a now catatonic public, in an unbroken line of Regime-initiated “con jobs” just like it, that stretch all the way back to 2006.

Dr. Mere Tuisalalo Samisoni elected member for Lami Open Constituency (deposed 2006).

Friday, May 21, 2010

A Fijian Letter To the Chairperson of International Monetary Fund: Protest on "Proposed loan of $500 million to Fiji."

18 May 2010

The Managing Director and Chair International Monetary Fund

700 19th Street, N.W.,

Washington, D.C. 20431


Dear Sir,

Proposed Plan by the Illegal Fiji Government to Borrow $500 million USD from the IMF.

I write to express the Movement’s serious concern with recent claims by Fiji’s illegal Prime Minister, Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, that his illegal government is about to complete negotiations for the loan of approximately FJD$1 billion from the IMF. The loan, he explained, is intended to finance wholesale reforms within the Civil Service, Public Enterprises, Fiji National Provident Fund, Land and Agriculture.1

Firstly, may I remind the IMF that the government that claims to be negotiating with you was declared illegal by the Fiji Court of Appeal on the 9th of April, 2009. 2

Commodore Bainimarama and his cronies’ illegal power grab in a military coup in 2006 were based on unproven claims of wide scale corruption and mismanagement of the economy by the Lasenia Qarase led Coalition Government. The Coalition elected in May 2006 was in fact the first real opportunity to give the minority Indian Community a genuine opportunity in governing as required under Fiji’s Constitution. 3

More than three years on, the Bainimarama led Dictatorship are the ones that have totally mismanaged the economy and caused social havoc among Fiji’s suffering population. There has been wholesale sacking in the Public Service while military spending now makes up the largest expenditure n the Annual Budget. This year the Military’s budgeted allocation is again set to increase by 40%. Of this increase, 42% is allocated as salary for military personnel. 4

This is in contrast to the salary cut imposed on the civil service straight after the 2006 coup and no wage increase since.Figures don’t lie and the government itself has admitted that for the first time in Fiji’s modern history that Fiji’s poverty level is well on the way to exceed 50% of the population if it continues with current trend. 5

Ill thought out decisions such as the sacking of the entire judiciary and magistrates and the appointment of cronies while not following Judicial Service Commission procedures, decrees to control the media and a proposed decree to permanently block future judicial redress by previous overseas parties to the money loosing Natadole Integrated Tourism Project are examples that have contributed to the continued drop in investment level and investor confidence.The number of overseas investments approved from 2006-08 dropped from 441, to 398 to 245. 6

The value of the investments approved dropped from $1,015 millions to $495 millions to $405 millions. There is no data on actual investment implemented. 7

At the same time, the Fiji economy continues on a steady decline. Following a huge drop of 6.6% in 2007 and the barely zero growth in 2008, GDP is again predicted for a huge decline of 2.5% in 2009.8

In dollar terms, the people of Fiji have lost $800 million in national income because of the above failures with an equivalent loss of $200 million of tax revenue and potential expenditure to the Government.9

I am highlighting these major points and red flags to highlight that it would be irresponsible and absurd on your part to allow this illegal government the loan they are requesting. The state of Fiji’s economy since the illegal regime forced themselves into government speaks volume of the people managing it and we the people of Fiji have not given any of them our endorsement, in a general election, to manage our national economy nor negotiate this huge loan on our behalf.

I have no doubt at all that the IMF and the World Bank are well equipped to identify a bad deal when presented with one. While not trying to lecture, I ike to highlight that a basic loan assessment would take into consideration the level of expertise and background of those proposing the loan. I do not think that people of questionable background such as the illegal Finance Minister/Prime Minister (failed to matriculate and a high school dropout), an Attorney General with limited practical court time and a Finance Permanent Secretary with a shady background qualifies as a group of expertise who could be entrusted with $500 million US Dollars.

Therefore, we demand that the proposed widespread reform be put on hold and be left to an elected government because the whole reform process currently underway seriously lack our input as the silent majority.

As a citizen of Fiji and the head of a Movement that represents the Citizens of Fiji who want the restoration of democracy and freedom, I demand to know what kind of collateral is being proposed as security for this loan? We are very concerned because it will be the people of Fiji and their children and grand children who will end up paying in the years to come.

Finally, I wish to firstly, appeal that you please refrain from dealing with this tin pot dictatorship as it does not represent our people. Secondly, to refrain from accepting arguably the biggest national debt ever to be proposed in Fiji’s modern history because it is being proposed by an illegal government that does not represent those who will be paying back this loan if approved?

Please note that the silent uninformed majority of the people of Fiji have not been consulted nor are they aware of this proposed loan.

I would be more than happy to discuss the content of this letter further at your convenience.

Yours faithfully,
Usaia P. Waqatairewa
ASA, BBus(CSturt), PGD(Macq)
National President - Australia

Thursday, May 13, 2010

Get a Glimpse of "Law & Justice" Report by Experts Monitoring Fiji.

Law & Justice
This report is designed to monitor and assess positive, negative or neutral developmentsin the law and justice sector in Fiji in order to identify where improvements can be madeto strengthen the rule of law and improve the protection of human rights in Fiji. The ruleof law and access to justice are crucial to upholding law and order and to human security,stability and development. Assistance in this area is vital to build peace and stability. ThePreamble to the UDHR states that: is essential, if man has not to be compelled to have recourse,
as a last resort, torebellion against tyranny and oppression, that
human rights should be protected by therule of law.

This report analyses certain law enforcement institutions, new decrees and court cases, toidentify whether the law and justice system is operating effectively, independently andefficiently. This report does not deal with the legality or otherwise of the present systemof governance in Fiji, but merely analyses the impact of changes on access to justice inFiji. This is done in good faith and for the public interest, and without prejudice to CCF!sposition on the purported abrogation of the Constitution.

This report only covers institutions where information on their work is publicly reportedand readily available. It has been difficult to obtain certain information, particularlyregarding the police force, the prisons service and the military (which all operate as lawenforcement institutions) in the current political climate.

An assessment of public confidence in law enforcement institutions would be beneficialas this would demonstrate a perception of fairness, justice and equality. If justice is notseen to be done by the public, then people are less likely to rely on or use theseinstitutions to promote and protect their human rights. A lack of confidence in theinstitutions that support and administer justice and the law also threatens peace andsecurity. Such an assessment (potentially through surveys) may become part of later reports.

This report should be read as a whole document, as the law and justice sector is made upof a number of components which are all interdependent (i.e. the legal framework/laws,law enforcement agencies, the legal profession, prosecution services, the judiciary). Forany reform in this area to be sustainable in the long term, there must be a holisticunderstanding of the entire system. Making a quantative assessment for the purpose ofthis report would be inadequate because of the interdependence of these institutions andthe legal framework. As a result, the report is mostly qualitative.

It should be remembered that an overall "negative! assessment simply means that there isa need for improvement in the effectiveness, independence or efficiency of theseinstitutions. This report is designed to gauge the extent to which all people equallyexperience and benefit from the rule of law.
[end of page 1]
[page 4]
1. Judiciary
1.1 Major developments over the reporting period
Some highlights of developments in the judiciary over the past 12 months include:-
• 40 judicial officers were dismissed in this period (25 Magistrates and 15 High Courtjudges). Most of the judicial officers were dismissed on 10 April 2010 by theRevocation of Judicial Appointments Decree 2009. Since then, 5 Magistrates havebeen dismissed without notice. The table below includes details of when and whyjudicial officers were allegedly removed from their position.

• 8 of those dismissed on 10 April 2010 have been reappointed and are currently onthe bench (4 Magistrates and 4 High Court judges). There are only 3 High CourtJudges on the bench who were first appointed prior to the coup. Of these, bothPathik and Byrne JJ are over the constitutional retirement age for judges (70 years).

• There is one former military lawyer in both the Magistrates Court bench and on theHigh Court. Chief Registrar of the High Court, Ana Rokomokoti (former militarylawyer) also holds the positions of Chief Registrar and prosecutor in disciplinaryproceedings against lawyers.

• One third of judicial officers were brought in from Sri Lanka.

1.2 Judicial Appointments & Dismissals
There is currently no Judicial Services Commission, even though this body was reestablishedunder the State Service Decree in similar terms to the 1997 Constitution.

TheJudicial Services Commission is the appropriate body to consider disciplinaryproceedings against judicial officers, assess the merits of new candidates forappointment, and remove judicial officers (on limited grounds).

Judicial officers should be appointed for 5 years. It is understood that current judicialofficers are on 12 month contracts. This is concerning as security of tenure and ongoingpension entitlements after retirement are essential to ensure that judicial officers actimpartially and are not susceptible to bribes or corruption.

Until the Judicial Services Commission is established, all judicial officers are appointedand dismissed by the President acting on the advice of the Attorney-General. This processis not transparent or accountable.

Judges who are either appointed or promoted after 5 December 2006 may be seen to haveentered an # implicit bargain$ with the current regime. The implicit bargain is particularlyrelevant to all judicial officers (whether or not reappointed) after 10 April 2010 as theyhave sworn a new oath of office, declaring allegiance to this government. The implicitbargain means that a judicial officer is compromised because deciding againstgovernment would mean implicitly accepting that their appointments as judicial officersLaw & Justice Report5was unlawful and illegitimate (i.e. the validity and lawfulness of government is tied to thevalidity and lawfulness of judicial appointments) The implicit bargain does not mean thatthese judicial officers are not capable of making independent decisions, merely that theirindependence is compromised.

The Regulation of Pensions and Retirement Allowances Decree 2009, authorises thePrime Minister to terminate the pensions of judicial officers who # undermine theGovernment of the Republic of Fiji$ which indicates that judicial officers may lose theirpension entitlements if they make findings against the government in the course of theirwork as judges. This is further evidence of an implicit bargain where judicial officers areconfronted with the loss of employment entitlements for not "towing the line!.

It is possible that judicial officers could independently decide against government andargue in favour of the validity of their own appointments on the basis of the doctrine of necessity.

11.3 Judicial Recruitment
Historically the Fiji judiciary has always been supported by judges from otherjurisdictions (mainly Australia, New Zealand and the UK). Australian and New Zealandlawyers would often be briefed to appear in Fiji courts and would have some familiaritywith the local legal system. Since July 2009, there has been a focus on recruiting SriLankan lawyers and judges to take up positions with the judiciary. This may be a result ofthe deteriorating diplomatic relationships with Australia and New Zealand. However, noexplanation has been given as to why new judicial officers appear to now be recruitedfrom one jurisdiction (Sri Lanka), rather than a merit-based appointment from anyCommonwealth jurisdiction.

The presence of the Sri Lankan judges does not mean that they are not suitable persons tobe appointed to the Fiji judiciary, and they may in fact be less politicised than localjudicial officers because they are not from Fiji. It merely raises the following issues:-

• Whether the Sri Lankan judges are adequately trained in Fiji laws and practiceswhen they arrive; and

• Are they recruited based on merit through a transparent and accountable process?

There is insufficient information available about the history of Sri Lankan judicialofficers to make an assessment of whether or not they are suitably qualified, professionaland experienced persons to accept appointments to the Fiji judiciary.

1.4 Government influence & separation of powers
Over the past year a number of former military lawyers have been appointed to variousroles within the judiciary. It should be noted that this is a new development in Fiji (exceptfor after the 1987 coup). The fact that these persons may be subject to the direction andcontrol by the Military Commander, Fiji!s interim Prime Minister is sufficient to taint theindependence of the judiciary because it creates a perception that they will not be able tomake fair and impartial decisions. This indicates possible interference by the Executiveand creates a perception that the judiciary may not be independent.

Also, the powers given to the Chief Registrar (which cannot be challenged) to issuecertificates of termination in particular court cases against government demonstrates alevel of executive interference with the judiciary.

The appointment of military or former military lawyers within the judiciary indicates alack of clear separation of powers. Separation of powers ensures that the judiciary isindependent by separating them from the law-making body (usually parliament) and thegovernment administration (the Executive, including PM and Cabinet). Without a clearseparation of powers, the courts cannot independently decide on the lawfulness ofgovernment action.

Former Military Lawyer
Appointed or promoted post 5 December 2006

Appointed or promoted post 10 April 2009
[page 9]
2. Decrees
2.1 The decree process
The parliament and parliamentary oversight committees are an important part of thejustice sector, providing checks and balances ensuring laws are passed throughconsidering the will of the people. The rule of law is a concept which relies on legalcertainty and predictability (everyone is subject to the same rules or laws, and is entitledto know what those laws are). An important feature of this is that law must be changed byan established process that is transparent, accountable and democratic.

Currently, on a de jure basis, the President assents to new Decrees (according to theExecutive Authority of Fiji Decree 2009, which may in itself be of questionable legality).On a de facto basis, decrees are considered in secret by the Cabinet before being passedby the President. This process of law reform lacks certainty, transparency andaccountability. Laws that have been frequently amended or back dated create confusionand uncertainty about the rules which apply at any given time.

2.2 Decrees promulgated within the reporting period
A full list of decrees can be found in Annex 1.Overview of Decrees passed since 10 April 2009:-

• 74 Decrees passed in this period. This is an exceptionally high number, signifyingmajor changes to the legal framework in Fiji.

• 39 Decrees contain minor amendments to other legislation (53%). 17 of these areminor amendments to earlier Decrees or Promulgations (23%).

• 11 Decrees have a provision removing judicial review of government decisions (i.e.they cannot be challenged in court). (15%)

• 24 Decrees centralize power, thereby decreasing accountability (32%).

• 27 Decrees involve changes to revenue or appropriation of resources (36%).

• 8 Decrees involve substantial law reform (in the areas of regulation of the legalprofession, the medical profession, the mahogany industry and crimes/DV). (9%)
Captured from Report by CCF on PDF file

Tuesday, May 11, 2010

Point of Interest: "UK's Hung Parliament." Will the Conservs Marry the Lib Dems?

Britain's inconclusive election

Struggling for power says The Economiist

As Conservatives and Lib Dems keep talking, Britain still has no new government
May 9th 2010 From The Economist online

DAVID CAMERON, Gordon Brown and Nick Clegg, the leaders of Britain’s three main political parties, appeared in public together, at a ceremony to commemorate Victory in Europe day, on Saturday May 8th. But behind the public decorum, a fierce and urgent struggle for the right to form the next government is continuing.

Later on the 8th Mr Cameron, the leader of the Conservative Party, and Mr Clegg, the leader of the Liberal Democrats, met privately in central London. On Sunday morning teams of negotiators appointed by the two men convened in talks facilitated by the civil service. The purpose is to see whether the two parties can reach an agreement that would enable a new government to be formed—following the general election on May 6th that, for the first time in Britain since 1974, returned a hung parliament, in which no party has overall control of the House of Commons.

read more;

Tuesday, May 4, 2010

"A CASE OF STOLEN IDENTITY": Why Does Illegal AG Khaiyum wants to Steal Fijian Identity from the Indigenous Fijians.

So if the gossip-mongers are telling the truth about Khaiyum's plan to push a new decree to name everyone from Fiji, Fijian then someone is either getting desperate to affirm their identity or they are having an identity crisis in a big way.
Fijians will always claim their identity as being Fijians or Ai Taukei Dina. That cannot be removed from them whether the Khaiyummies & the rest will accept or not accept, thats their choice. Thats the fact of the matter.

What is now surfacing is the push by some within the Fiji Indian inner circle that they must be called Fijians. Why? Is there an underlining intention so that they can have land claims also and be entitled to communal lands?

It seems this "renaming" strategy to make the destruction of Fijians more palatable to those that are paying 'blood money' as primary theme.

A quick check confirms that only some within the Indian segment are really wanting this 'renaming strategy' not the Rotumans, Banabans, Part Europeans, Chinese, Europeans etc.

This will be the height of stealing an Indigenous Identity where the plight of the Fijian people of the Fiji Islands in the Pacific Ocean are secretly & brutally being executed in Khaiyum et al's effort to displace them from their own homeland by making way for some secret plans ialready in the pipeline by this illegal regime.

By a Fijian [Gone i Taukei]

read more;
Monday, May 03, 2010

"Fijian" decree could be imminent
Radio New Zealand International - 03 May 2010
A member of the committee that helped draft Fiji’s now-abrogated constitution says he expects the new regime to use the term "fijian" to mean all citizens when it writes a replacement document.

Fiji’s Attorney General, Aiyaz Saiyed Khaiyum has told the Fiji Broadcasting Corporation that all Fiji citizens should be known as Fijians, a term previously used only for the indigenous community.

An Australia-based Fiji academic, Dr Brij Lal, who helped write Fiji’s 1997 constitution, says he would not be surprised if the term was used inclusively in the next constitution, or if the regime acts soon to pass a decree on the word.

“Things in Fiji have been done by decree since April 2009, and there’s nothing stopping the military regime from publishing a decree saying that everyone from henceforth “be known as Fijians"

Brij Lal says he sees no reason the term Fijian should not apply to everyone from Fiji.

What is regretable here ladies and gentlemen is the fact that there is no amount of reform that this illegal govt can take away the fact that it is still a military dictatorship under one man rule.Even the constituion will be for self preservation and longevity of the dictator and it will having nothing to do with the welfare of the peoples of Fiji.

As we have seen so far in this illegal regimes attemp tp legitimize itself, it has trumped up the judiciary and has made sure that all judges rule in the illegal regime's favour or they face the consequences of being without a job.There is decline in economic enterprises and social justicve is a virtual non existence.

The soldiers are being used in peacekeeping duties to protect the human rights of the other countries wjhile they (soldiers) in Fiji have abused human rights and civil liberties.

Today the DFFM USA met with USA congreewoman Lean Wolsey of California and we have put the plight of the Fiji people in the forefront of this woman's agenda.There is hope yet and as the days drag on Bainimarama the Dictator finds himself outside looking in instead of inside looking out.

What seems to amazes me all the time is how ignorant this illegal gov is. Vore and Kaiyarse are ruining the country and the people need to revolt for the betterment of our people and there children.

This guys a doing whatever and whenever that pleases them, when they hit a wall of rejection,they will make up a stupid decree to break that wall....and they will keep on doing it till they are stop, either in a peaceful or violent way.

They have gone past the road of turning back, so deeper holes need to be dug deeper with no bottom so they will drop a long fall with no returns.Power to the People!!

Monday, May 3, 2010

When Cadet Training for Vulnerable Fiji Children Just wreaks of Militariazation at all levels.[Click to view Commando Duck)

Is military regime via Driti promoting training of Child Soldiers in Fiji under the guise of 'Cadet-ship'?

Perhaps if Fiji's state of affairs were ok then this may not be put under the spotlight. Unfortunately, with the current 'failed state' Fiji's is in, all parents in Fiji needs to ask alot of questions before allowing their child to be sucked into such programs that Driti is talking about in the article below.

We have researched & found some links that examines this ideloogy of Child Soldiers, heres an article by Human Rights Watch. by Luvei Viti Think Tank @VUW

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The Red Hand Day Campaign
This year, the Red Hand Campaign is pressing for universal ratification of the treaty banning the use of child soldiers. The treaty, known as the Optional Protocol to the Convention on the Rights of the Child on the involvement of children in armed conflict, prohibits the use of children under age 18 in hostilities or their forced recruitment. Since it was adopted ten years ago, 131 governments-two-thirds of the world's countries have ratified it.

Read Driti's article below;
May 2, 2010 by Sai Lealea - Fiji Coup 2006

Driti rejects school militarisation claim

Fiji Live News - May 01, 2010

Fiji’s Land Force Commander Brigadier-General Pita Driti says cadet training in schools does not lead to their militarisation. Driti made the comments while addressing...Fiji Live News - May 01, 2010

Fiji’s Land Force Commander Brigadier-General Pita Driti says cadet training in schools does not lead to their militarisation.

Driti made the comments while addressing the cadet passing out parade for Ratu Kadavulevu School this week.

“Many have said that cadet training leads to the militarisation of schools. It is not so. Cadet training is aimed at instilling discipline in students,” he said.
“It is through cadet training that students will learn to hear one command, one instruction and will follow each and every command precisely as it is given.”
“It will discipline our students as future leaders to do what is right, where and when necessary with order andcredibility.”

Comments posted on (Log on to is wrong to look up to the illegal regime person like 'Driti the torturer' as role model in our society. Children's perception here is that coup culture and being a perpetrator is alright when its not.

Driti: “Many have said that cadet training leads to the militarization of schools. It is not so. Cadet training is aimed at instilling discipline in students.”

Hopefully, instilling discipline in students also meant differentiating between rightful and wrongful choices; and between lawful and unlawful orders. So when the real test comes along, when all comes down to the wire and is dependent on them—the students will have been disciplined enough; courageous enough—to make the rightful choices without distinction.
(Unlike some people we know, who had lacked both discipline and courage and had failed miserably when the fate of their country were dependent on them)

Driti: “It will discipline our students as future leaders to do what is right,

(1) where and when necessary with order (2) and credibility (3)”

It would have been more meaningful to the students, if Driti had gone on to say, “None of these qualities (3) I have, I had lost them all. I’m now a flake and an imposter. Please, students, do as I say and not as I do. Your country needs you.”

So much for Driti’s own credibility claim, it got flushed down a while back?

Driti need not talk about credibility because he is the least credible of them all.

Bula, No'oia, Kia Ora, Warm Greetings, Namaste

Children of Fiji & Friends of Fiji

Children of Fiji & Friends of Fiji
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